In the literary discourse of the world of the colonial novel we have habitually three isolated species of being - European men, European women, and 'natives'...
We are used to discussing the imperialism of the colonial novel with respect to the colonized peoples, but this concentration of the black/white divide has led to a disguising of yet another fiction inscribed by these text; that of the ‘subject’ nature of females in general, white or black…The novels which make up the canon of Imperial and Colonial fiction are mostly written by men, and even when written by women they are primarily about men, and concerned with the professional and middle-class ethics of the Europeans who both write the works and people their pages…Imperial conquest is the role of men, and thus the colonies exist primarily to be controlled and lived in by men, in barracks and clubs, and women complicate this rather simple issue…For colonial Europeans, sexual behavior is considered reprehensible, even by those who enjoy it, and is of course attributed to being ‘in Africa’. In an almost anthropomorphic manner, the continent herself is endowed with a teeming female sexuality which affects everything within her…the emphasis is on sex and the fertility. African vegetation is abundant and luxuriant [and] African women are tempting, reproductive sex objects, who both allure and repel…This response to the continent has a devasting effect on the women of the place. The correct imperial response to African women becomes complicated by the sexuality of the continent.”
Abena Pokua Adompim Busia[1]
[1]Busia, Abena P.A. 1986. Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel. African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
Introduction: Sexuality, Metacolonialism, and African Women
The aforementioned quote calls attention to significance of sexuality in colonial Africa and fictional literature produced by European men and women which also focuses on the omnipotent force of sexual attraction and activity between colonized subjects and their colonial ‘masters’. Throughout history sex has occupied an important role as populations within civilizations have increased or decreased, wars were initiated and resolved based on marriage/consummation agreements, and political, educational, and occupational assignments have been distributed based on the sexual prowess, willingness, and selectivity of both women and men. However, the institution of sex and sexuality in post-colonial or metacolonial Africa deserves much attention due to the double standards afforded to African women. Throughout the world sex – which ideally would always be consensual – is often used as a medium of exchange, whether formally or informally acknowledged. In post-colonial Africa the severity of this situation is magnified by the economic, social, and political conditions as women (and young girls) are often lured into the informal economy of sex work. Instead of referring to the exchange of sex for favor(s) or resources as prostitution and attributing inferior or derogatory status to people who participate in this trade or line of work as negative or subhuman, I will utilize the moniker “sex work” or simply sex to uplift or humanize such members of society.
In metacolonial (post-colonial) African society, like other places throughout the world, sex is used as a political or economic institution, and the social implications are drastic, especially for African women who experience other forms of subjugation. In the first working paper submitted entitled, “Traditional and Contemporary Notions of Gender, Family (Kinship), and Feminism” I explored the role of two interrelated concepts or institutions, gender and family/kinship, to examine the social structures of various African and non-African societies, to demonstrate the unique features of Africa’s traditional, authentic gender philosophies. That paper included an assessment of feminism and its application or lack thereof for African women in African societies, and concluded by calling attention to the perspectives of African women regarding feminism, womanism, and the infinite potential of African women to determine their own political, social, economic, and cultural destinies. This working paper will attempt to pick up where the previous text left off, and further explore the roles of African women in the contemporary global political economy, which can be viewed as a metacolonial society.
In “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being” Dr. Hussein A. Bulhan, president and founder of Frantz Fanon University in Somalia, provides a definition for metacolonialism, which uses the Greek term ‘meta’ to denote distinction when he declares:
“According to the Random House Unabridged Dictionary (1993, 2nd Edition), the prefix ‘meta’ in Greek translates to after, along with, beyond, behind, or among. I therefore mean by ‘metacolonialism’ a socio-political, economic, cultural, and psychological system that comes after, along with, or among the earlier stages of colonialism… One can also define it as a colonial system that goes beyond in scope or behind in depth what classical colonialism and neocolonialism had achieved.”
The characteristics and implications of metacolonialism will be further discussed and elucidated throughout this text, however it is important to consider and comprehend how African women have been impacted by the social, political, and economic developments within post-colonial Africa. The psychology of the colonized and former colonized Africans and their descendants becomes eminent when conceptualizing how groups of people were not only treated as subordinates but forced to adapt or assimilate into a global system where institutions and individuals alike promote(d) African inferiority. Paradoxically, the global systems’ utilization and dependence on African labor never ceased, although negative perceptions and categorizations of African cultural, social, political, and economic practices became more widespread. Despite the transitions between the Atlantic trade of slavery, colonization, the African independence movements, and the current global political economy that depends on African economies and governance (which are heavily influenced by former colonial nations and international institutions such as the IMF, World Bank, World Trade Organization, and United Nations) for exports, African women have continuously been sexually exploited throughout each era. As a result, African women have become politically and economically marginalized within African societies based on their sexuality, creating an inherently prejudiced, contrived, and egregious double standard and violation of human liberties (or international human rights).
After an inspiring semester studying gender theories of African societies, and a wonderful first year as an African Studies doctoral student, I was motivated to synthesize all my newly learned lessons and to investigate a topic I believe deserves more attention. Considering my travels to Monrovia, Liberia in 2015, and Johannesburg, South Africa in 2021, I was deeply encouraged to research the role sex (and sexuality) plays in contemporary African societies considering the uninterrupted and increased influence of former colonial powers and multinational institutions such as the United Nations, World Bank, World Trade Organization, and World Health Organization. More importantly, throughout my travels, work, and research within Africa, I noticed that members or representatives of the aforementioned international organizations (as well as African government officials) were often the “seekers” of sexual encounters with not only African women (and men), but also children. The combination of these factors moved me to focus on such occurrences as a research topic for investigation, and I hope this text does some level of justice for the long list of African women, children, and men who experienced injustice(s).
Statement of the Problem
Modern conceptions of sex, gender, and sexuality are largely attributed to or derived from Western theories and notions of the roles men and women play in society socially, politically, and economically. These notions are largely unbeneficial and oppressive to African women, while upholding double standards that benefit men en-masse.[1] Furthermore, sex is often operationalized in a manner that is discriminatory towards women as they are purely objectified as sexual instruments that can be used when needed. The lack of human agency and personification of African women as humans is terrible to say the least. As a result, this study serves as a brief historical analysis into the politics of sex in contemporary metacolonial African societies and the exploitation women experience by non-Africans and African men alike. Analysis of the issues women face globally leads to an understanding of the multiple ways women are marginalized, and also highlights the intersections of such marginality, as African and non-Western women experience a magnified level of subjugation.[2] Further analysis reveals that women who are part of the LGBT, immigrant, lower-income, refugee, stateless, and disabled communities experience subjugation at even greater levels.[3]
As mentioned in the previous working paper “Traditional and Contemporary Notions of Gender, Family (Kinship), and Feminism”, women endure double standards, inequality, and oppression as society’s domination of women has endured the test of time. Although women around the world endure daily mistreatment and scrutiny for behavior that society at-large believes is acceptable from men, as members of the human race, women are entitled to express their opinions and all freedoms that are considered human liberties. These factors are more important for African women who also experience marginalization by non-African women who capitalize or monopolize on feminist ideals, while leaving the concerns of African women unaddressed. Furthermore, the post-colonial institutions that govern the policies and procedures of these matters uphold the oppression that women endure, as African women are regarded as the last in line after white (European) men and women, and African men.
Although her reference applies to literary fiction, the parallels to reality are observable as Busia aptly highlights the heightened levels of marginalization African women experience in African society, when she asserts:
“where there are two sorts of white women [the hero’s wife, who is supportive, virtuous, and sensitive to the aspirations of white men in Africa, and the ‘temptress’, who is simultaneously the symbol of the white man’s sexual desires and his moral burden], there is only one sort of black; sex objects. Black [African] women seldom have names, for they are not so much people as presences – fleshy presences to be sure… Black women are actually seldom present as players on the stage, and when they are, they do not speak, only white women have voices – Black women have no vocabulary, and few gestures.”[4]
[1] Nfah-Abbenyi, Julianna Makuchi. 1997. Gender in African Women’s Writing: Identity, Sexuality, and Difference, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
[2] Nfah-Abbenyi, Julianna Makuchi. 1997. Gender in African Women’s Writing: Identity, Sexuality, and Difference, Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
[3] Crenshaw, Kimberle. "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics, and Violence against Women of Color." Stanford Law Review 43, no. 6 (1991): 1241-299. Accessed March 5, 2021.
[4] Busia, Abena P.A. 1986. Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel. African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to explore and analyze the contemporary African gendered institutions of society and economy, as well as the roles of women in such societies, in order to understand how and why they differ from traditional, authentic, African gender institutions prior to European intervention. The study features analysis of two interrelated concepts or phenomena – the politics of sexuality and the exploitation of African women – which are examined via the framework of metacolonialism, or the contemporary, post-colonial period in order to account for the social, political, and economic structures of various societies, African and non-African, and demonstrate the unique features of sexuality in Africa, such as the marginalization of African women. Moreover, this study examines the assumptions and norms that construct the way sexuality is currently operationalized within African social, economic, and political institutions.
[1] Bulhan, H.A. 2015. “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being”. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Vol. 3(1)
Design and Methodology
The design of this study is based on a qualitative analysis and incorporates two levels of analysis in order to assess the role of the sexuality in African institutions, and the sexual exploitation and marginalization of African women (and children) in contemporary, or metacolonial society. Each level of analysis compares the concepts discussed within the context of traditional or pre-colonial African society, relative to modern/contemporary or (meta) post-colonial African societies. The first level of analysis focuses on the roles of women regarding sexuality in contemporary societies with respect to the gender and utilizing the metacolonial framework and model provided by Dr. Hussein A. Bulhan, president and founder of Frantz Fanon University in Somalia.[1] The second level of analysis is split into two sections, the first examines the sexualization of Africans in general, and the second examines the sexualization and exploitation of African women (and children) in particular.
Lastly, each level of analysis is supplemented by materials provided by Oyèrónké Oyěwùmí’s African Gender Studies: A Reader – namely Abena P.A. Busia’s “Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel”, Dr. Julianna Makuchi Nfah-Abbenyi’s “Gender, Feminist Theory, and Post-Colonial (Women’s) Writing” and Dr. Abbenyi’s “Gender in African Women’s Writing: Identity, Sexuality, and Difference” – which are used to examine the role of African women in post-colonial society.
[1] Bulhan, H.A. 2015. “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being”. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Vol. 3(1)
Limitations
This study is limited by a lack of quantitative data that is longitudinal in scope and assesses the number of relevant instances, as well as qualitative data that could have been provided via personal accounts of women. The study is also limited by a lack of qualitative information that could provide comprehensive context and historical information about the respective African and non-African societies mentioned. Furthermore, the study relies on the texts mentioned for their subject matter and relevance to the topics and could be enhanced by including more references and sources. Lastly, the study solely relies on observation, historical analysis, and secondary sources of information.
Significance of Study
Although sexual exploitation has existed for centuries in many forms, the current conditions of the global political economy are grossly oppressive for African women (and children), who are sexually objectified by African men and members of the international community alike. While the latter groups have both been charged to protect and empower African women (and children), both segments of populations use their “superior” status to sexually exploit women and children for their own benefit. This study is significant because it seeks to highlight the systemic formal and informal exploitation of African women and children and identify these transgressions as human rights violations that require African jurisprudence. Furthermore, by embracing the false and fictitious social hierarchy created by common definitions of “gender,” one prevents potential solidarity across social classes and societies. Transcending ideologies, stigmas, and misconceptions affiliated with gender creates possibilities for broader social transformation, economic activity, and political development.
Individuals who are practitioners of public policy, economic development, education, and governance and public administration could find this study significant due to the implications. Peers and members of the international community could also find this study useful in order to increase economic output, save resources, and invest in other areas of national development. Lastly, this study could lead to future studies regarding the capacity of African philosophy and gender theories in the field of social, economic, and political development.
Metacolonial Africa and the Metacolony: the African Diaspora
With the sexual exploitation of African women in proper perspective, we can now provide an in-depth discussion about metacolonialism and its influence politics of sexuality in African states, as well as implications for African women within the global political economy. Whereas colonialism captures a binary relationship between two poles: metropoles and colonial territories, metacolonialism has a similar hierarchical social structure and is similar to the world systems theory as core, semi-periphery, and periphery countries feature individuals who occupy the role of colonial subject. Due to globalization, an interchangeable term with metacolonialism as highlighted by Dr. Hussein A. Bulhan in “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being”, unchallenged accounts of the benefits of globalization, another phase or form of colonialism, have become common and even superfluous. Bulhan asserts that metacolonialism can manifest in both objective and subjective domains “to a far greater degree than the classical colonialism and neocolonialism that preceded it.”[1]
Bulhan characterizes the manifestations of metacolonialism by providing numerous social, political, and economic examples of how colonialism can be applied to objects, spaces, time, geographical areas, and systems of thought and behavior such as the colonization of economics, and individual and group behavior, as he declares: “metacolonialism established the dollar and (recently) the euro not only as the primary currencies of exchange, but also as measures of human worth. This is colonization of economics, wealth, and self-evaluation. Metacolonialism also dictates that international laws promulgated by Europeans are just and essential laws for ‘civilized’ conduct in national and international relations. This is colonization of individual and group behavior, nationally and internationally.” Bulhan also asserts that Europeans and their descendants “today enjoy freedom and opportunity in space not only in their land but also beyond, as exemplified by recent endeavors to colonize outer space (including the Moon and Mars) for more resources.”[2] Of critical importance, is Bulhan’s identification of the problems metacolonialism creates with respect to indigenous languages. Bulhan maintains that “western education in non- European societies erode or change indigenous languages.[3]” He argues that “Africans schooled in neocolonial educational systems choose to speak English or French to show sophistication and so-called modernity, gradually abandoning their indigenous language” and African peoples seeking acceptance from formal institutions within the current global political economy, “even change their indigenous first names to European names like Peter, James, and Joseph”.[4] Moreover, Bulhan claims that Africans sometimes speak to their people in the indigenous language, and sprinkle English or French terms in their statements to achieve the same impression of sophistication and modernity even if their people do not understand the full meaning of their remarks. Bulhan considers this form of metacolonialism as colonization of language and identity.[5] Finally, if the meaning and implications of the term metacolonialism have not been sufficiently conveyed, Bulhan offers the scathing analysis of its relevance when he asserts:
Metacolonialism also affirms that Europeans and their descendants are superior to all other human beings in intelligence, power, beauty, and wealth. This is colonization of values. Related to this is the notion that Europeans and their descendants represent the ideal or personification of beauty. People of color increasingly internalize this self-defeating notion. They use chemical and electrical means to lighten their skin, turn smooth their kinky hair, or simply wear imported wigs to hide their natural hair texture and color. This is colonization of beauty. Metacolonialism, like its antecedents, also glorifies Western education and knowledge as the tickets to enlightenment and the ‘good life,’ while vilifying and eroding indigenous education and knowledge. This is colonization of knowledge. Using modern telecommunication equipment and the internet, Europeans have the right to monitor communication and information of all people, including who talks to whom, how often, where, and for what purpose. This is colonization of digital information. Metacolonialism also sets the Europeans and their descendants as the sole dispenser of aid and compassion for victims of violence and oppression in Africa. Yet, this compassion is primarily self-serving since the countries and organizations delivering the aid gain indirectly or directly by selling products of their farmers and manufacturers or by collecting hefty overheads for service rendered (Maren, 1997). This is colonization of compassion, reaffirming simultaneously the incompetence and dependence of aid recipients, while reasserting and further inflating the self-aggrandizement of Europeans.”[6]
Lastly, whereas the African Union considers the African diaspora as the official sixth region of the African continent[7], I uphold that Bulhan’s concept of metacolonialism can be further extended and applied to the African diaspora. Considering the technological advancements within society since the African independence movements, the African diaspora can be considered an abstract metacolony comprised of African descendants who are greatly and unduly influenced by non-Africans and their political, social, and economic institutions and practices. For example, of those Africans and African descendants who reside in North America, South America, Europe, or Asia, some members of this population are relatively affluent, middle-income, and have more educational experience than non-Africans. However, when considering those who live in economic underdevelopment in North American cities such as New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Los Angeles, Baltimore, Washington DC, Atlanta, Detroit, Flint, and Oakland; or Haitians who live in Haiti; or the Afro-Brazilians in residing in Bahia, Sao Paulo, and Rio de Janeiro; or the Afro-Britons in London, this population begins to look more nuanced. When considering the technological developments in society, one can consider how this population – which is distinct and heterogenous – is greatly influenced by the non-African media establishment and the plethora of platforms that exist on the internet.
[1] Bulhan, H.A. 2015. “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being”. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Vol. 3(1)
[2] Bulhan, H.A. 2015. “Stages of Colonialism in Africa: From Occupation of Land to Occupation of Being”. Journal of Social and Political Psychology. Vol. 3(1)
[3] Ibid.
[4] Ibid.
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Kamei, Seraphina. (2006) Diaspora as the ‘Sixth Region of Africa’: An Assessment of the African Union Initiative, 2002–2010
The Political Sexualization of Africans in Metacolonial Africa
Despite the nomenclature, post-colonial or metacolonial African societies experience several issues or derivative conditions that were/are produced by the political sexualization of Africans. As mentioned by Busia, the personification of Africa as a woman by European imperialists and colonialists is not purely coincidental, involuntary, or unintentional. Moreover, with respect to colonial and imperial novels of fiction based on accounts of Europeans within Africa, the power dynamic, whether sexual or political, is often present as European men seek to justify their colonial exploits through sex or justify their misconduct/deviant behavior with Africans through colonial exploitation. Whereas the sexual encounters between Africans and Europeans have been discussed over the years in many forms, from the accounts and affairs of a Roman general and Egyptian queen, to the unjust rape and pillaging of African societies by Europeans in order to “settle” on the continent. In metacolonial Africa, the politics of sex have been further enhanced or influenced by non-African foreigners who regularly engage in sexual encounters with African women, men, and sadly, children. Busia highlights the sexualization and personification of Africa when she declares:
“Expatriate novels of Africa, whatever broad category of literary convention they may fall into, remain, on the whole, male-dominated imperial fictions. The continent of Africa herself, and the pronoun is apropos, serves as an excuse, a suggestive, well-manhandled partner for the European to exploit, an oppositional frame of reference for the working out of symbolic dramas of which she is not so much the subject, as the object. The desire to conquer her, and to have this conquest mean something, first possessed Henty’s schoolboy master of the world who unfortunately grew – bigger if not up – and not so much metamorphosed, as exposed his camouflage. He appears in today’s texts as the sexist and fundamentally pernicious mercenary, fighting increasingly more dubious battles…”[1]
The European fascination with the African woman is mysterious and interesting to say the least, however the sexual desires of Europeans are not limited to African women, as deviant sexual behavioral norms have been exported from Europe into Africa. Understandably, as the European presence increased around the African continent due to imperialist and colonial pursuits for economic resources, the sexual practices, norms, and behaviors of Europeans were also disseminated around African societies. This confluence of sexual behaviors and practices is also highlighted by Busia when she maintains:
“Monogamous heterosexual marriage amongst white couples is the norm, and sexual deviancy from this norm (most commonly represented by an act of potential or actual adultery) is used as an indicator of the moral standing of the characters concerned…The sexual ‘deviation’ goes the whole range of misconduct from European men trying to have sex with each other, or each other’s wives, to European men and women having sexual encounters with both African men and women…Sex becomes deeply symbolic, with miscegenation the bete noire of a deep, dark colonial nightmare always threatening to raise not so much her head, as her tail.”
The idea of Africa personified as woman, the tendency to treat African women as the objects of literary works instead of participating and contributing subjects within African society (which also occurs in reality), and the many sexual exploits of European men with African women combine to create the tip of the iceberg with regard to sexual exploitation in African societies. The concluding section of this paper and level of analysis will explore the nuanced nature of sexual exploitation in metacolonial Africa, calling attention to international actors (or seekers) of sexual misbehaviors, as well as African men.
[1] Busia, Abena P.A. 1986. Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel. African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
The Exploitation of African Women in Metacolonial Africa
In order to convey the magnitude of the (sexual) exploitation of African women in metacolonial African societies, this study will focus on three aspects of sexuality and the politics of sex that disadvantage women: a) the emasculation of African men, which occurs economically via lack a of employment or occupation, and physically via homosexual encounters with European men; b) the sexual exploitation African women experience from African men (and in rare instances women); and c) the sexual exploitation of African women (and children) by international agents or representatives of multinational institutions who are literally or purportedly in Africa to “help mitigate social, political, economic, or environmental” disasters.
The emasculation of the African male in African society has been explored in some context, whether social, economic, cultural, or political. This study focuses on how African women have been subordinated by the emasculation of African men, as well as the implications in sexual sphere. Outside of the economic castration of African men via miseducation, undereducation, underemployment, and unemployment, African men also experience social and political emasculation via sexual encounters with European males. Busia draws attention to this trend utilizing colonial literature, namely “At Fever Pitch”, as she provides detailed information about how a homosexual British official seduces an African male who has two wives and children in each relationship. Instead of providing a synopsis of the preceding and following events, I will focus on what I find relevant to the marginalization of African women. Firstly, the emasculated man finds himself craving more sexual encounters with his homosexual British master. This is problematic because of the implications for the emasculated males’ wives, who are in subordinate positions and dependent on their African husband, who now desires a white man. Busia calls attention to this when she mentions:
We have in effect the total emasculation of the virile Black male, which has a correspondingly devasting effect on the Black woman. The two wives are in a subordinate position anyway, then the man who masters them is further mastered by the white man, and prefers that subjugation, leaving the women further subjugated. What is most pernicious, where they are concerned, is that their husband, after his rape, is said to crave sex with his white male master, and for his sake not only neglects them but beats them into submission”.[1]
The fact that African women are directly and indirectly impacted by the relations between African and European males creates a higher standard of behavior for African males, albeit a challenging standard. When compared to the responsibilities of African women, African men should find greater motivation to avoid contributing to the oppression African women experience, regarding sexual exploitation and other issues of society. Furthermore, although one African male (or more) can be emasculated by such an encounter with a European male, this does not limit the homosexual European from engaging in sexual intercourse with an African woman, as Busia vividly affirms: “Furthermore, the homosexual British officer is, after the consequent death of Sulley, initiated by a coloured female prostitute into a slaughterous “manhood” on election night. His first ejaculation into the body of the black woman is closely followed by, and becomes identified with, his frenzied triggering of a spray of bullets into a mutinous crowd, killing dozens of Africans.”[2] Despite my personal feelings about the account, I believe this novel introduced by Busia to make an outstanding and extremely relevant argument is ideal. The fact that African women experience the double-edge sword of African male emasculation by European men and share the responsibility for sexually “taking care of” their former colonizers, combined with the fact that African men can also engage in homosexual behavior with each other, creates a morphed reality for African women.
In addition to the facets of the politics of sexuality mentioned above, African women also endure sexual exploitation from African men (and in rare instances women). I will briefly discuss the importance of this fact because much attention is given to the mistreatment of women by men in the previous sections of this paper and the previous working paper submitted entitled, “Traditional and Contemporary Notions of Gender, Family (Kinship), and Feminism”. What is relevant here, is that African women often experience sexual subjugation by African men, and whether sexual acts actually take place between African men and women, the former group often exploits the latter via social, physical, psychological, and emotional mistreatment. This double standard is unfair to say the least, as men with “high” and “low” political, social, and economic status all find ways to exploit women.
The last – but certainly not the least – form of sexual exploitation experienced by African women (and children) that will be analyzed in this paper is often committed by international agents or representatives of multinational institutions who are purportedly in Africa to “help mitigate social, political, economic, or environmental” disasters. While I am unsure how long this phenomenon has occurred within contemporary African society, based on the accounts provided by sources in this paper, as well as the information covered throughout our course this semester, I am sure that when the political and economic institutions of Africa were changed and began to negatively impact African women, African women were also relegated to inferior status based on social norms of European patriarchy.
As a result of this inferior status in particular, and the economic underdevelopment of African societies in general, droves of African women were influenced to utilize sex work for sustenance. These economic and political factors that effected African women were catalyzed by the Bretton Woods institutions (UN, WTO, IMF, NATO) that were created in the 20th century, and the creation of the new economic world order that currently depends on African exports, although African citizens rarely experience the benefits of their production and labor. With respect to the topics discussed in this paper, instead of addressing the plethora of issues African societies experience because of the global political economy, I will merely and briefly focus on the sexual exploitation African women (men and children) endure from members of multinational institutions.
There are several well documented articles and reports of international representatives abusing their institutional powers and sexually exploiting African citizens, as well as some of their colleagues. For the sake of making a succinct, yet strong argument I will cursorily introduce a few articles that have the common theme of discussing transgressions by international representatives. In “UN Peacekeeping Has a Sexual Abuse Problem” by Human Rights Watch[3], “UN Peacekeepers in Congo Hold Record for Rape, Sex Abuse” [4], and “IMF Chief Gets New Bail Hearing, Mug Shot Released”[5] sexual exploitations and misconduct are the focus of international violations as African women, children, and some men were sexually exploited by international actors. Beyond these articles and the long list of reports that could be produced discussing the causes of such human rights infractions, their fallout, and the lack of jurisprudence and justice that was produced on behalf of those violated, I meekly introduce my personal experiences in Liberia and South Africa. I lived in Monrovia for two months during the summer of 2015 while interning for an international non-government organization dedicated to human rights, and in January 2021, I traveled to Johannesburg for an 11-day, preliminary dissertation research trip. During both experiences I personally witnessed agents of international organizations soliciting sex from African women, men, and in once instance a child. Despite my personal feelings about such acts, I mentioned the previous anecdotes to discuss their relevance regarding the sexual marginalization of African women.
Due to the conditions of the global political economy – where poorer populations of people exist and occupy space in developed nations as well as underdeveloped nations – markets for sex seem to emerge all over the world. Whereas, sex was used as a medium of exchange or as an occupational requirement for women (and some men) prior to colonialism in Africa, in metacolonial Africa, thousands (if not millions) of young women find themselves inevitably thrown into the “industry” of sex, which has become further politicized due to economic/social mobility of Africans into the “middle” class. As more agents of international organizations find themselves on the African continent, as well as other African and non-African expatriates, the market for sex only increases. Considering the implications for African women (and children), I am extremely interested in investigating the sexual misconduct of international representatives further.
[1] Busia, Abena P.A. 1986. Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel. African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
[2] Busia, Abena P.A. 1986. Miscegenation as Metonymy: Sexuality and Power in the Colonial Novel. African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.
[3] Wheeler, Skye. 2020. UN Peacekeeping Has a Sexual Abuse Problem”. Human Rights Watch
[4] UN Peacekeepers in Congo Hold Record for Rape, Sex Abuse. 2017. Associated Press.
[5] “IMF Chief Gets New Bail Hearing Mug Shot Released”. 2011. Thomson Reuters.
Conclusion: Jurisdiction of Transgressions and African Jurisprudence
As mentioned, the purpose of this study was to explore and analyze the contemporary African gendered institutions of society and economy, as well as the roles of women in such societies, in order to understand how and why they differ from traditional, authentic, African gender institutions prior to European intervention. By analyzing the politics of sexuality and the exploitation of African women via the framework of metacolonialism, this study attempted to demonstrate the unique features of sexuality in Africa, particularly the marginalization of African women. Moreover, this text identified social implications that highlight how sex is currently operationalized within African social, economic, and political institutions. Whereas the use of sex is known to have been an imperial, colonization, or war tactic in the colonial period and eras before colonialism, African women (and children) are currently exploited in the global political economy, which has fiscal, political, and military operations that principally “run through” African societies. Furthermore, despite the fact that members of multinational institutions are present in Africa to assist African governments and citizens, ameliorate economic and political processes, and mitigate the negative effects of social, economic, and political disorder, such agents of international organizations are often in pursuit of exploitative sexual encounters with African women (and children).
This study is significant because it seeks to highlight the systemic formal and informal exploitation of African women and children and identify these transgressions as human rights violations that require African jurisprudence. The suggestion of African methods of jurisprudence is offered due to a) the location of sexual misconduct; b) the fact that African men sometimes enable or participate in the sexual exploitation of women, making this an issue that disproportionately effects African citizens; c) the fact that the current system of international law and justice marginalizes Africans (as this system is a product of the United Nations and works in concert with other Bretton Woods institutions) when participating in the judicial processes of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC); and d) the potential of African theory in African governance has largely been absent in the metacolonial period, which has been characterized by constant “oversight” of African political and economic policies by international institutions, the United States, and other former imperial and colonial nations. As a result, African theory is seldom applied to public policy, economics, and judicial practices on a national level. By considering the sexual violations and exploitation of African women and children as an international human rights transgression, the concept of African jurisprudence becomes relevant as African women should be empowered to influence these political and judicial processes more than, if not at much as international agents and African men – who are often the perpetrators of such behavior. Should the preceding argument be considered strong and valid, I would also suggest that African women and African woman-led organizations that represent all classes, ethnicities, and groups of African women lead the way when deciding the consequences for the sexual exploitation of African women, especially within Africa.
In conclusion, the lens of metacolonialism has a significant level of relevance and usefulness when assessing post-colonial African societies, as Europeans as well as African men currently treat African women as sexual objects and instruments. I would compare this to the trend [or mechanisms] that were used by Europeans to produce and distribute colonial psychology to African men. Whereas European imperialist men offered political and economic concessions to African/colonized men to undermine the economic and political organization of African women, who did not regard themselves as superior to men, the status quo of metacolonial Africa is more or less a continuation of the economic/political castration of African/colonized women – which was enabled by colonized men. Moreover, it is well documented that the defenders of the African continent during the pre-colonial era were primarily African women, who often sought to protect African pre-state societies from European imperialism and colonialism between the 16th and 19th centuries. The combination of these facts is alarming to say the least, as African men have been used against African women (and themselves) for decades if not centuries.
I would like to conclude with the words of an African woman in a similar fashion as the preceding working paper because a) African women are often silenced, ignored, and expected to remain silent despite their eternal and invaluable input to any scenario; and b) because I believe no one on Earth has a more poignant, relevant, credible, and worthwhile opinion of the sexual exploitation of African women, than African women:
“Since different groups of marginalized women can create new spaces and social locations for themselves within the dominant culture, marginality (be it represented as racial, sexual, historical, or cultural difference) will therefore be the point of intersection for identity politics, the location where identity politics finds full expression. By creating these new spaces and locations, women take the margins to the center and vice-versa. This constant shifting subsequently subverts dominant political, economic, and cultural conceptions of gender, both at the center and at the margins. What this means for post-colonial women is that they can and need to problematize ‘their own internal centres and peripheries, their own dominants and marginals’” (Muhkerjee 6).
Dr. Julianna Makuchi Nfah-Abbenyi[1]
[1] Nfah-Abbenyi, Julianna Makuchi. 2005. Gender, Feminist Theory, and Post-Colonial (Women’s) Writing, African Gender Studies: A Reader, New York: Palgrave MacMillan.